Retrospective Essay Essay

Part of growing as a writer is looking back at what you’ve done and seeing how far you’ve come. In order to grow, you need to be able recognize where you started and where you are now. You need to be able to see what areas you’re strong at; as well as, the areas you need to continue to improve upon. Starting out this semester, I didn’t know where I stood or where I could go next as a writer. Until now. I feel like I have grown as a writer even in the short amount of time spent in W131. I have been able to graze the surface of a few of the course goals, but I am well aware there is still a massive amount of room to grow and learn. One of the course goals is to explore and analyze ideas in order to write with a strong sense of ownership. I think that there is a difference between writing a paper and slapping your name on it and constructing a piece you can be proud of and want to put your name on it, so everyone knows that this was your work. With my first paper, I feel as if just completed the assignment and slapped my name at the top. I didn’t dive into the topic and really think about how this topic pertains to me. With the second paper, I sat down and reviewed my double sided entries, reread some of my highlighted points in Alone Together, and tried to really think about how the topic, technology, effected me and what my views were on it. I explored different routes I could take my paper. Analyzed what it would read like if I said I agreed with Turkle verses if I said Turkle’s ideas were silly and shouldn’t be taken seriously. I had to decide what my stance was and own it. I had to own up to my ideas and opinions in order to write the assignment. I think that was an improvement from the start of the course. I was confident when I turned in the second major writing assignment. I felt accomplished as a writer for turning in a complete piece opposed to just accomplishing an assignment. A goal that I didn’t even know I needed improvement on, is writing a thesis  and providing sufficient evidence to support it. Coming into the course, I thought I was proficient in this area. I thought my ideas were coming off as clear, concise, and colorful. After reading the reviews from my first paper, I realized my audience wanted more detail and description. My thesis is available and clear, but my audience was unsure of how I came to it. With my second paper, I tried to elaborate on different aspects to try to fulfill their requests. After my first peer review, I found out that I still had missed the mark. In class, I discussed my concerns with my peer reviewer to see what she thought I could further explain to make my paper stronger. She highlighted of few areas of concern and gave a few suggestions as to how I should go about fixing it. I think that I took her ideas into consideration and improved my paper. I think that although I did improve a little with this paper, that this is an area I struggle with and need to continue to work on. The area that I think I need the most work on is reflecting on my writing practices to improve them. While writing both papers for this course, I have had several different things going on simultaneously. Whether it was the T.V. on in the background, the dogs playing next to me, or even me just trying to eat some dinner, I could never fully devote my complete attention to just writing. This time around, I tried something different. I sat down with no interruptions and focused on my paper. I reread the outline, the course goals, and the fully attempted the planning guide. I tried to utilize the assistance given by the course and really tried to write on the topic truthfully. I had no distractions or what I had previously thought to just be helpful background noise. I think that although it might not drastically change my writing abilities right away, over time this will help me improve upon the entire course goals because I will be fully devoted to accomplishing each and every one of them. The final course goal that I feel I have really improved upon and will continue to improve upon is to shape, revise, and edit my writing in order to meet the purpose and needs of my audience. Starting out, I wasn’t very good at revising or changing my paper. I wasn’t open to others critiques and didn’t want to take them into consideration. But through different class  activities like peer review, cutting drafts, and discussions on free writes, I became more comfortable with the idea of revising. Like I said previously, with my first paper I thought I had revised enough and added enough detail to satisfy my readers. When I found out I hadn’t accomplished that, I had to take that into consideration for the next assignment. After reading my peer review for the second assignment, I really tried to soak in what my peer was saying needed to be fixed. My peer said that, like my first paper, this paper also lacked details. I went home and reread and reread my pa per trying to pinpoint where I needed to add or subtract. In the end, I feel like I add more detail effectively and made other revisions to improve my paper that strengthened it. Growing is a vital part of life, as well as, a vital part of writing. The world around is ever changing and growing. As a writer I need to also be constantly changing and finding ways to improve myself and my abilities. Throughout the rest of the W131 course, I hope to continue to grow as a writer. I hope to continue to work on my weakness and transform them into one of my strengths, but also to continue of making my strengths even stronger.

Favorite Teacher Essay

Choosing a favorite teacher is fairly difficult when one puts into account all the types of teachers they have known, all of them are important. Teachers are the second most important people in our lives, right after our parents. Teachers are persuasive and have the power to build a child up from an immature student to become a responsible adult; or they can completely and utterly crush a students hopes and dreams. As an identical twin my mother has always pulled a few strings to have my sister and me in the same classes throughout elementary school. We were absolutely inseparable. Transitioning from elementary to middle school was a milestone for me. Every class I was placed in was different from my sister’s. I was friendless, and at times I felt hopeless scrambling to find friends; I was overwhelmed by the turmoil of the middle school system. At my locker I forgot a key ingredient, the combination; completely overloaded with homework, tests and loneliness, I sat at my locker and sobbed. It was there I crossed paths with one of the most important people I have ever known. The first time I met Ms. Reagan was when she gave the upcoming middle-schoolers a tour of the school the summer before my sixth grade year. She was short, thin and had an intelligent look. She seemed truly interested in me, given my mother had met her on vacation a few years back. Ms. Reagan assured my worried mother I would do perfectly fine in a new environment without my sister. However, when school began, so did my problems. Mr. Wolff was my sixth grade English teacher, as an advanced English student the first essay he assigned was rather demanding. Struck by writer’s block, I was only able to conquer five pages of the assigned six-page essay. Mr. Wolff asked for a word after class; obliging I listened to him rant about how he expected more out of me than five pages of redundancy. I left the classroom with a rigid, seemingly emotionless expression. I went to my only friend, my locker, and began to sob when I remembered I had forgotten my combination. Walking back from the teachers’ lounge, Ms. Reagan calmly asked me to explain my dilemma; she offered support and assured me I would do well, promising me I would make friends. I left school that day consoled and filled with a newborn hope that I would progress through the sixth grade successfully; after all it was just the third day of school. After a few weeks of attending middle school, I began to gain friends; they were not comparable to my twin, but they were accepting. I listened to what Ms. Reagan had mentioned to me and I was able to gain more and more friends I today refer to as my closest friends. With Ms. Reagan’s advice I was able to conquer my fears of having no friends, and I finally was able to master the dreaded locker combination. Ms. Reagan is the embodiment of a leader and sets an endless example of respect and commitment for her current students and students of years prior. She treats everyone with kindness and compassion and is always willing to give advice to anyone. Most importantly, she believes in herself as a teacher and, in turn, her students learn to believe in themselves. I have been able to acquire this knowledge of Ms. Reagan through various lunch visits when I was unable to find a table. We spoke of our families, futures, travels and opinions. Although it has been years since I sat in her classroom, Ms. Reagan continues to affect me in a very meaningful way. In the summer we often go to the same part of Newport during the same time; she often walks past my house, and even on the hottest of days, she will always stop at the end of my driveway just to chat. In return, when I get the chance, I like to stop by to visit her after school lets out just to catch up for a little bit and fill her in on the latest news in my life. However, although our conversations may be few and far between, they always make for memorable moments. As I continue to get older, I cannot help looking back and reminiscing about my days as an elementary student. I feel lucky for having such an unforgettable childhood and thankful for the people that were apart of it. Ms. Reagan has always been more than an educator to me, and I am so blessed to have her as a part of my life.

AP Government Essay

527 Organizations- organizations that raise and spend money to advance political causes Blanket Primary- a primary election in which each voter may vote for candidates from both parties Caucus (electoral)- Closed Primary- an election in which voting is limited to already registered party members Coattails- The alleged tendency for candidates to get more votes in the election because their at the top of the ticket. general election- held to choose which candidate will hold office gerrymandering- drawing the boundaries of legislative districts in bizarre or unusual shapes to favor one party incumbent- The person already holding an elective office  independent expenditures- spending by political action committees, corporations, or labor unions that is done to help a party or candidate but is done independently of them malapportionment- drawing the boundaries of legislative districts so that they are unequal in population open primary- a primary election in which voters may choose in which party to vote as they enter the polling place political action committee- set up by a corporation, labor union, or interest group that raises and spends campaign money from voluntary donations reapport ionment- position issue- an issue about which the public is divided and rival candidates or political parties adopt different policy positions primary election- held to choose candidates for office  prospective voting- voting for a candidate because you favor his or her ideas for handling issues retrospective voting- voting for a candidate because you like his or her past actions in office runoff primary- A second primary election held when no candidate wins a majority of the votes in the first primary soft money- funds obtained by political parties are spent on party  activities, but not on a specific candidate sophomore surge- an increase in the votes congressional candidates usually get when they first run for reelection valence issue- An issue about which the public is united and rival candidates or political parties adopt similar positions in hopes that each will be thought to best represent those widely shared beliefs Five differences between congressional and Presidential campaigns are Presidential races are much more competitive A smaller portion of people vote in congressional races during off years than vote for the president. Members of congress can do things for their constituents that a president cannot A candidate for congress can avoid being held accountable for the â€Å"mess in Washington† More voters participate in congressional elections The five tasks that one must complete in order to run for the presidency is Get mentioned as someone who is of presidential caliber -travel around the world making speeches like Ronald Reagan which will put you on the radar. Shoot for over 12 in a day Devote lots of time! -Many candidates devote countless amounts of time, in terms of years. It is especially important to start sooner if you are not already known. However, you must be smart about your spending because you don’t want to go broke before the general elections begin! Try devoting a good four- six year of campaigning like Ronald Reagan. Get Money -You need a certain amount of money in order to get your name on the radar. To be eligible for federal matching grants to pay for primary campaign , you must first raise at least $5,000 in individual contributions of $250 or less in twenty states. Get Organized -You will need to raise a ton of money in order to campaign efficiently, but in order to do that, you will need a support system. Getting organized by hiring lawyers, accountants, a press secretary, travel scheduler, advertising specialist, direct mail company, pollster, volunteers and fundraisers will help the candidate stay on top of their game plan. Pick Strategy and themes -Choose your game plan wisely. Whether or not you are an incumbent should also determine what strategy a candidate chooses to take. You must also consider such factors as what type of tone your campaign will have, whether or not it will have a theme, timing, and what audience you would like to target. Incumbents are reelected to Congress over 90 percent of the time Seats are apportioned in each House of Congress according to Article 1 section 2 in the Constitution District boundaries can profoundly affect the outcome of the election due to problems of malapportionment, which is when one district is significantly bigger than than the other, requiring more votes in order to elect a representative. Gerrymandering was also an issue for it draws boundaries in odd shapes which in turn favors one party over another. The four problems to solve in deciding who gets represented in the House is Establishing the total size of the House Allocating seats in the House among the states Determining the size of congressional districts within states Determining the shape of those districts A candidate wins a party’s nomination by gathering enough voter signatures to get on the ballot in a primary election. They win their party’s nomination by getting more primary votes than the next candidate. Seats are reapportioned every ten years. In 1964, the Court ruled that the constitution requires that districts be drawn so that as nearly as possible, one person’s vote would be worth as much as another. Incumbents have the advantage of reelection in Congressional elections Due to the sophomore surge, members of Congress get 8 to 10 percent more votes than when they were first reelected. Two consequences of how congressmen/women are elected are that it produces legislators who are closely tied to local concerns and second, it ensures that party leaders will have relatively weak influence over them. Local orientation of members of congress has important affects on policy making for example, if you have a representative in a certain committee of Congress, your state has a higher chance of directly benefiting from whatever it is the committee can provide. Delegates tend to value reelection  over anything else and seek out committee assignments and projects that will produce benefits for their districts. On the other hand, trustees will seek out committee assignments that give them a chance to address large questions that may not even affect their districts. What works in a primary election may not work in a general election, and vice versa, in part because different elections or caucuses attracts a different mix of voters. The Iowa caucus is the first real test for candidates, so any slip at this caucus is a major disadvantage to the candidate due to the media attention and contributor interest. Primary voters tend to be more ideologically polarized than the average voter. Position issues are issues that are addressed during a candidates running for office in which he or she must make a stand on. These issues tend to share opposing views for the rival candidates and may also split the voters opinion. For example, in the recent election of Obama and Romney, tax cuts and the Obama medicare plan proved to be position issues. Valence issues do not require one to take a side, rather it i nvolves an issue in which everyone agrees, regardless of party identification. For example, in the Romney and Obama election, stronger education and school systems proved to be a valence issue. Television, Debates, and direct mail may influence campaigns in a variety of ways. Depending on the type of person who is absorbing the spots, visuals, and debates. For example, visuals and television newscasts may give the viewer less information than commercial spots. Visuals in some cases on the other hand, can be a vital part in a campaign because they cost very little and as news they may have greater credibility with the viewer. There are two different kinds of elections: general and primary. Primary elections are held to see who shall be nominated to run in the general election as a candidate, and the general election chooses who will take office. Some are closed while others are open,so one may have to declare in advance that they are registered to vote or you can go to an open primary where you decide which party’s primary you would like to participate right there and then. A presidential primary is used to pick delegates to the nominating conventions of the major parties. Candidates can get around â€Å"slips of the tongue† by relying on stock speeches. Since the 1960’s, television was used as a form of contesting campaigns and used largely to conduct campaigns. The internet made possible sophisticated direct-mail campaigning which in turn makes it  possible for a candidate to address specific appeals to particular voters easily and rapidly solicit campaign contributions Sources of campaign money for members of Congress come from their own pockets, private sources, or is raised from individuals, interest groups, or the political parties. For presidential candidates, money sources comes from private donors and the federal government, whereas Congress candidates rely on themselves or private sources to donate. Major Federal Campaign Finance Rules General -contributions and expenditures reported to FEC -Anything over $100 must be disclosed with name, address, and occupation of contributor -Nothing over $100 -no ceiling on how much candidates may spend out of their own money Individual contributions -can’t give more than $2,000 -no gifts exceeding $95,000 every two years. $37,500 goes to candidates Political Action Committees -each corporation, union, etc may establish one -Must register 6 months in advance, have at least 50 contributors, and give at least 5 candidates Ban on Soft Money -no union or corporation can give away own money from treasury to any national party Independent Expenditures -corps, unions, associations, can’t use own money to fund electioneering communications referring to candidates sixty days before gen. Election and 30 days before primary -PACs can fund electioneering up to their limits Presidential Primaries -Federal matching funds can be given to match individual contributions up to $250 or less -candidate must raise $5,000 in 20 states, with contributions of $250 or less Presidential Election -gov will pay all campaign costs up to legal limits of major party candidates and part of the cost of minor party candidates. The 2004 presidential election was unique because of the following factors: the war in Iraq, Bush running for second term which gave him an up in the electoral votes, Bush and Kerry won the same states that Bush and Gore won in 2000, and also  because of the high voter turnout. Minor-party candidates can get federal campaign money if they have won at least 5 percent of the vote in the last election. This has only happened once in 2000 The 1973 Campaign Finance Law created the problems of independent expenditures and soft money. The three changes to the Campaign Finance reform act was the banishment of soft money, raising the limits of independent contributions from $1,000 to $2,000, and it sharply restricted independent expenditures made by corporations, labor unions, and trade associations by restricting these organizations from using their own money to mention a clearly identified federal candidate in advertisement 60 days prior to the general election and thirty days prior to the primary election A suit formed against this law and stated that restricting an organization from mentioning a candidate prior to general and primary elections was a violation of freedom of speech. The Supreme Court upheld almost all of the law and stated it was not a violation. The NORC analysis states that if the recount of votes in Florida had not been halted by the U.S Supreme Court, Bush still would have won, also if hand counts in only four heavily democratic Florida counties had been was granted, Bush still would have won. However, if the same â€Å"equal protection† standard the U.S Supreme Court wanted to use but said there was not enough time, Al Gore would have won 527 Organizations are allowed to spend their money on politics as long as they don’t coordinate with a candidate or lobby directly with that person During peacetime, the state of the economy, the political party affiliation, and the character of the candidates generally decides who becomes presidential The pocketbook vote is the idea that the party holding the White House during good economic times will do well, however if the economy is not doing so well, neither will the party. It is hard to determine who’s pocketbook the voting does because how a person is doing financially will sway their vote on how they believe the good or bad economy will affect them. Besides money, religion, abortion, political reporting, and the vice-presidential nominee does not make much difference in the outcome of the election It is easier for incumbents to raise money because they are already well known to begin with, they can provide services to their districts, send free mail to their constituents, and can get free publicity by sponsoring legislation or  conducting an investigation The Republicans won nine presidential elections between 1968 and 2000 because democrats are not as committed to their parties as republicans are, Republicans have a higher percentage of independent voters, and there is a higher percentage of Republicans voting in the elections. A citizen does not need to be well informed politically to play an important in elections because despite the lack of knowledge in a certain field of politics, citizens ten to know more about the things that interest them. If it was a requirement for every citizen to be so well informed, citizenship in itself would be an occupation, taking up more time in people’s lives than they would want. A prospective voter is forward thinking. They consider both sides of views, including the opponent, and cast their votes for the person they feel will handle the matters more effectively. Perspective voters might focus on big issues such as abortion, nuclear energy, or school busing. A retrospective voter thinks backwardly, meaning they look to the recent past to determine whether or not the economy is doing well. If the economy is doing well, retrospective voters tend to vote for the party that currently occupies the White House, however if the economy was sour, these voters vote against the party in the White House. A prospective voter would focus greatly on economic issues, such as inflation. Campaigns make a difference in elections by reawakening partisan loyalties of voters, giving voters the chance to see how candidates handles pressure and how they apply it, and campaigns also allows voters to judge the character and values of a candidate. Thematic campaigning, negative ads, and the demands of single issue groups have impacted elections in the decision making process of the â€Å"right† candidate during the primary. A loyal coalition of democrats would be African Americans. In almost every election, two-thirds or more vote democratic A loyal coalition of Republicans would be The most loyal members of political parties does not have the most influence because they typically make up a small portion of the electorate. It is very hard to determine how a policies will be affected by elections is because there are so many offices to be filled and the ability it unite political parties under one policy is weak.

Middle Eastern Politics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Middle Eastern Politics - Essay Example This is a time for Presidential election-2008. Democratic candidates like Hillary Rodham Clinton and Republican candidates like Rudy Giuliani and other prominent leaders are in the fray. The general public and political fury against the Republicans concerning United States' military involvement has digressed to a great extent towards the Democrats especially after publication of Carter's book Palestine: Peace not Apartheid. In this sense, his workmanship as an author is benefiting opponents of Democrats!!! How it is happening It is anybody's guess. This is a catch 22 situation. Carter is becoming the cause of "making a mountain of a mole". Democrats are being sandwiched real hard from top to bottom and vice versa like butter and ham between two slices of bread. Why Carter's book sees the light of day at this juncture Maybe just to go for a digression and attract voters attention towards Democrats because otherwise Republicans were being seen falling pray to wider criticism from masses and media about their Iraq policy. One wonders whether this trick can really serve its purpose in the ultimate analysis - giving a boost to the popularity of the Democrats in President ial elections. This is a very high risk proposition. Indeed, stakes are also very high and heavy. Carter has made his Damocles' sword hang on Israelis and Jews inasmuch as he has branded them agents of direct policy of Apartheid against Palestine people and land. The powerful Jew community of United States (US) from within and without has started aiming at the Democrats in the form of a planned campaign. It is because Carter's book points nearly throughout its chapters that Israelis are violators of human rights and world peace: Gaza has maintained a population growth rate of 4.7 percent annually, one of the highest in the world, so more than half its people are less than fifteen years old. They are being strangled since the Israeli "withdrawal," surrounded by a separation barrier that is penetrated only by Israeli-controlled checkpoints, with just a single opening (for personnel only) into Egypt's Sinai as their access to the outside world. There have been no moves by Israel to permit transportation by sea or by air. Fishermen are not permitted to leave the harbor, workers are prevented from going to outside jobs, the import or export of food and other goods is severely restricted and often cut off completely, and the police, teachers, nurses, and social workers are deprived of salaries. Per capita income has decreased 40 percent during the last three years, and the poverty rate has reached 70 percent. The U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food has stated that acute malnutrition in Gaza is already on the same scale as that seen in the poorer countries of the Southern Sahara, with more than half of Palestinian families eating only one meal a day. (Carter 176). Ali Abunimah, a Palestinian author supports Carter while reviewing his latest book. He writes: The 39th president of the United States, the most successful Arab-Israeli peace negotiator to date, has braved a storm of criticism, including the insinuation from the pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League that his arguments are anti-Semitic. Mr. Carter has tried to mollify critics by suggesting

Passionate love versus compassionate love Essay

Passionate love versus compassionate love - Essay Example Love can simply refer to a feeling of pleasure that one gets by doing something, hence the phrase ‘I love doing this’. One the other hand, even forms of romantic love is not all of the same kind. This might bring in the differences between passionate love and compassionate love. The key differences between the two kinds of romantic love contrast at different levels with both types having their own characteristics that seem better over the other. Passionate love happens quickly with strong attraction and feelings of emotion, but once the differences settle in, it is overcome by them and does not last long enough. Compassionate love on the other hand is based on mutual understanding, common dreams and empathy (Gilbert, Pg. 20-27). This makes compassionate love long lasting and possibly for the life time (Tzeng , P. 112). Compassionate love, hence, has more stability and the similarity and common interests of the two individuals help them bond over the facts (Lavelly; Quile s, pg. 354). Passionate love might be working on the bases of attraction between the opposites, but that is more of a compliment for the case of compassionate love with respect to qualities (Lavelly). The fact can be verified from the example that people, in general, prefer to marry into their own social groups and races even without the marriage being arranged by the parents or a third party (Lavelly). Research on the topic indicates that romantic acts and feelings are more permanent if the male and female have a higher pattern of similarity (Quiles, p. 354). This might be the reason that inspite of introduction of the internet and breaking of the rules previously stated about most individuals marrying in their own group (Lavelly), people still tend to marry in their own cultures (or atleast similar cultures) where they can find partners with more similarity (Quiles, p.354). This might be scene from a variety of perspectives and the contrast between the two types of love defines th e controversy that surrounds the matter, the love for similar background, culture, ambitions, shared dreams and the simple attraction or craving for another person. A survey supports the compassionate love in this regard to be of higher importance by comparing it to sports. Athletes surveyed responded that compassionate love and understanding helped them improve their performance in sports (Hindustan Times). Compassionate love differs from the passionate love in significant ways; attitudes, motivations, desires, expectations and many other feelings that might be there in both differ in their approach. Compassionate love defines life with respect to care, a beneficial treatment and respect for the partner with an appropriate perception of the suffering of the other. Passionate love can be unstable and a ride through the rough. A couple might be sitting in front of each other having feelings ranging from attraction to awkwardness (May). The unconditional expectation of a romantic love is the actual thing put to test in case of a passionate love (May). For the love to be genuine the passion in the love with feeling and understanding of the other might be present but anything less might be a blow to the relationship in case of a passionate love (May). Where compassionate love presents free choice, cognitive understanding and empathetic responses that put aside selfish needs, passionate love might in fact be a way to fulfill one’s own emotional needs without which it might be seen as less valuable (May). A partner with passionate love might feel it is an emotional burden from the other when the going gets tough. The first difficulty in the relationship might challenge the

Miracles of Jesus Christ Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Miracles of Jesus Christ - Essay Example And these were all manifested in the eight miracles of Jesus Christ. Turning of Water into Wine: Jesus Christ as the Living Water Jesus Christ’s first miracle according to John happened during a wedding in Cana in Galilee. There are many facets in the story that would reveal Christ’s deity. Firstly, it could be surmised that John used the symbol of water to signify spiritual cleansing. The element had been numerously cited in the bible to exemplify purification. And to purify oneself, one must have to undergo the process of a parallel spiritual cleansing. And this is achieved through compliance of the instructions of Christ. To point out, in the miracle of turning the plain water to an excellent wine, Mary specifically ordered the servants to follow the instructions given by Christ. These servants represent humanity who has specific orders to dutifully follow the life that Christ lived. And by following the path that Jesus walked, humanity’s old and sinful self d ies to pave way to the rebirth of a new and cleansed self. When we receive Christ the Living Water, we symbolically go through death and are resurrected. In this way, Jesus Christ revealed his deity as water element who can wash away our impure selves so we may become clean before God, our Father. Healing of the Dying : Jesus Christ as the Omnipresent God The second miracle that identified God as a supreme deity is when He healed the son of a prominent official as shown in John 1:1-18. The general theme embedded in this account, we may say, centered on incarnation through the power of faith. In this account, God showed Himself as a deity who is capable of healing regardless of time, distance, space, nationality, sickness, etc. He shows no favor and looks upon everyone equally as long as faith is firmly anchored on him. For humans, distance and time (among other limitations) are physical hindrances that prevent us from fully believing in the power of God. But God’s glory is de monstrated when He fully healed the dying son of the official even when he was not in the scene. And God through Jesus Christ, as an omnipresent deity, conquered the challenges brought about by space and time. Restoration of Sight : Jesus Christ as the Light of the World The third miracle performed by Christ is comparable to the previous miracle in such a way that it can be categorized under healing miracles. In this chapter, Jesus Christ manifested His glory and power by restoring the sight of a blind man. In a physical sense, the blind man symbolized blind faith among non-believers and even those who already saw Jesus but remained skeptical about His identity. The parallelism between physical blindness and spiritual blindness were emphasized in this story. Physically, the blind man was not able to see Jesus but the moment He passed by him, he developed a knowing feeling of His presence and was therefore healed. This scenario is a significant event that identified Jesus’ dei ty as the Light of the World. Biblically, this could be explained by John in the verse: â€Å"I am the light of the world†, he said. Whoever follows me will have the light of life and will never walk in darkness (John 1:2). In the same way, our spiritual blindness comes to an end when we allow Jesus to work into our lives. Feeding the Five Thousand : Jesus Christ as the Bread of Life Like Jesus’ identification of himself as the water that cleanses, one miracle also revealed

Depression in Older adults Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Depression in Older adults - Essay Example A variety of tools or methods that are used to assess depression within older adult will also be presented and discussed. Some of the relevant evidenced-based nursing strategies that have been utilized to address depression within the older adult population will also be presented and discussed. The last section will comprise the summary of key points that will be discussed. Depression in older adult population has generated a massive attention. The attention has arisen due to the underlying effects in the older adult population. Although depression is prevalent in the age group, it is not a formal part of aging (Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). Rather, it is a medical problem tat affects many older adults, and it is possible to eliminate it through proper treatment. However, the problem needs to attract proper attention due to lack of recognition and effective treatment in older adults. On the other hand, it is essential to describe some of the common types of depression affecting older adult’s population. There are three common types of depression. They include major depression, minor depression, and dysthymia (Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). The major depression is characterized by lack of proper sleep, inability to eat, and lacks enjoyment in pleasurable activities (Department of Health and Human Services, 2011) . The main symptoms of depression include depressed mood, loss of interest, disturbed sleep, weight loss, fatigue, and restlessness. On the other hand, minor depression does not have severe symptoms as other depression. It is usually characterized by depressed mood and loss of interest (Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). The other type of common depression is dysthymia and is characterized by long-term, chronic symptoms that act as a hindrance to normal adult functions (Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). The condition is characterized by persistent negative perspective and low mood. The

Intervention Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Intervention - Article Example The study was conducted in Sydney, Australia. The participants in the study were 172 and they were individuals with non-specific low back pain. They received 14 sessions of individualized supervised exercise therapy and they were randomly assigned to receive either motor control exercises or graded activity as a way of establishing the advantage and applicability of the motor control exercises in reducing back pain (Gazzi Macedo et al., 2012). These two studies were aimed at establishing whether the exercise program could be used as an intervention into reducing PGD and LBP. However, the researchers in the first study found no effect of the treatment program on the prevalence of self-reported LBP and PGD during the time of pregnancy not exceeding 20 weeks. This cannot rule out the program though it cannot be used widely due to the failed positive results. The results of the second study however shoed that motor control exercises and graded activity have similar effects for patients with chronic nonspecific low back pain (Gazzi Macedo et al., 2012). These can be used well as an intervention in the reduction of back pain, LBP and PGD in pregnant women. Article one shows the details of the study done to establish whether the introduction of a group-based exercise program can be applied as an intervention for reducing Lower Back Pain and Pelvic Girdle Pain in pregnant women before the 20th week of gestation. The results however shows little difference in the two groups which consist of the controlled group and the non-controlled group. The sample size is 257 which consists of pregnant women before the 20th week of gestation. The Second is a parallel study done on a suburban area in Sydney, Australia. The participants in the study were 172 and they were individuals with non-specific low back pain. They undergo individualized supervised exercise therapy and they were randomly assigned to receive either motor

BUS599 - Integrative Project, Mod 5 Case Assignment Essay

BUS599 - Integrative Project, Mod 5 Case Assignment - Essay Example One Balancing Loop Availability of new workers: This is an example of a balancing loop. In the food market, increasing new workers can be a limiting factor to the growth of the market. Explain each one of these loops - what are the causal factors and how do they affect each other. For the Reinforcing loop, you should look for an area where there is growth and for the Balancing loop, you need to look for goal behavior. Once you have identified and explained these critical feedback loops, you need to identify how Whole Foods Market has generated organizational learning, and how they can go further and generate additional organizational learning. What do they need to do to improve their performance further? Balancing Loop A balancing loop is a situation where a feedback reduces the effects of change in a system. It occurs when an action tries to bring two different things into an agreement or any other situation when one tries to provide a solution for a given problem, achieving a given goal etc. It can also be explained as what moves the systems in the direction of the equilibrium. A balancing loop is said to bring a negative feedback. Reinforcing Loop A reinforcing loop is a case where a feedback increases the effect of a change in a system. ... 20). Causal Factors and how they affect the Balancing and Reinforcing Loops Demand The reinforcing loop will either be determined by demand or by subsidy and all of these can affect the profitability of production of organic food. Whenever the farmers’ profitability is low, the other variables found in the reinforcing loop will automatically decrease and whenever the profitability is high, all the other will consequently increase. Subsidies are usually the biggest determinant in the market since market demand is still low and unreliable. Supply A big supply of raw materials reduces the market prices which will automatically decrease profitability for the whole food farmers, which will obviously discourage them. When there is a low supply, there will be high market prices and also the profitability will be high, a situation which will encourage the farmers to join the market. Market Price When there is a low supply of organic food, there will be a decrease in the demand for org anic food by retailers and this will result few purchases from the consumers. Also the raw material prices will act as a balancing factor by connecting to the price of organic food. The consumer price usually relies on the costs which are added in the whole food chain of distribution. Consumers The food consumers can only buy whole food when they find it to be appealing or attractive to them and this attractiveness of the whole food can be determined by several various factors like the price and the supply. Usually when the price is low and the supply is high coupled with diversity or variety of the organic food will definitely attract the consumers in large numbers. Equally when there is a high price and the supply is less the consumers will be discouraged from buying the organic

Farming land Essay Example for Free

Farming land Essay In the late 1800s, many farmers were trapped in a vicious economic cycle. Crops prices began falling and farmers were often forced into mortgaging their farms so they could buy more land and produce more crops to break even. Good farming land was becoming rare and the banks took over the mortgages of farmers who couldnt make payments on their loans. The railroads, on the other end, took advantage of farmers by charging them extreme prices for shipping and storage. Both equally frustrating the farmer, who pretty much resembled a larger economic problem because if he wasnt doing well then the whole nation can’t do well either. Banks controlled the farmer, they watched the farmers and had input on everything they did. The Banks relentlessly took over the mortgages of farmers who couldnt make payments on their loans (doc d). Generally, the average farmer struggled during the late 1800’s due to the huge increase of agriculture worldwide. Because of many technological improvements, which boosted competition, now farmers faced foreign competition, and are now forced to adjust the prices of their crops to stay competitive. An increase of production repaid the farmers losses only temporarily. However, farmers soon realized the limitations of farming land. Also they realized that their own surplus of crops just lower the cost so in the end they dont make as big of a profit. (doc e). The troubles of a farmer were part of a larger economic problem that was affecting the entire nation. Deflation followed the Civil War, which made the amount of money in circulation decreased therefore the value increased. This was bad for the farmer because products took up a lower value. Loans that needed to be repaid with dollars are now worth more than what the farmers had originally borrowed, so many farmers lost money. The farmers saw a solution. It was the use of cheap money to reverse the effects of deflation. Farmers demanded the increase of greenbacks with the addition of unlimited coinage of silver (doc b). With the passage of the Bland-Allison Act in 1878, around 2 to 4 million was added to the silver supply. Yet that only eased it, and didn’t solve the main problem (doc). To make things even worse, railroad companies added more load on the  farmers by taking advantage with prices to transport grain. A lack of competition among the railroads enabled them to put high costs, sometimes making a shipment of grain nearly unprofitable (doc h). Also, railroads gained control over grain storage prices, enabling their influence over the market of price of crops. Justifying the transport prices became unchallengeable due to the lack of competition (doc g). There’s not much farmers can do than hope for some reforms since they’re stuck in a cycle of credit that meant longer hours and more debt with every year. Good farming land quickly became rare and the banks took over the mortgages of farmers who couldnt keep up with payments on their loans. The railroads took advantage of farmers by charging them excessive prices for shipping and storage. As a solution the Bland-Allison Act in 1878 was pasted. The issue of the farmers debt stuck around. There validity of the farmer complaints is totally acceptable due to all the struggles and hardships they went through.

Language Is Rule-Governed

Language Is Rule-Governed Wittgenstein stated that his aim in philosophy was to show the fly the way out of the fly-bottle that is, to lead us out of the web of misconceptions and confusions that cloud our understanding. He argued that our confusion lay in our misunderstanding of language and the rules that govern its use. This misunderstanding resulted from the assumptions of traditional Western Philosophy which are based on a Cartesian theory of mind, a Platonist conception of reality and an Augustinian view of language. These assumptions led to the belief that the private mental realm was the primary source of language, the essential function of language was to name objects, and the rules of language were set in a fixed pattern of application respectively. As this account of rules relies on their having a fixed content, the only way to follow these rules is to discern their meaning by finding an appropriate mediating interpretation. Once the rules have been interpreted correctly, they would then disclose h ow they should be applied. Wittgenstein argued that these assumptions cloud the true nature of rule-following and meaning, leaving them vulnerable to scepticism as we lay down rules, a technique for playing a game, and that then, when we follow the rules, things dont turn out as we had assumed. So that we are, as it were, entangled in our own rules.  [2]  The issue that Wittgenstein raises is if we can argue that any action can be interpreted as acting in accordance with a rule, how can we ever know if we are following a rule correctly and therefore, how can we justify that our use of language holds any meaning? This reveals the flaws in the traditional belief that it is the rules themselves that act as the normative standards by which we discern whether or not our use of language is correct. Therefore, we must look for another source of normativity in order to preserve the notion of meaning. In light of Wittgensteins view that following a rule is a practice  [3]  which is analogous to obeying an order  [4]  , I believe that his account of language establishes it as rule-governed by situating the requisite justification and normativity in the linguistic community. These requisites are met in Wittgensteins account as when we are taught a rule we are also trained to follow it in a particular way determined by the linguistic community of which we are a member. I will expound this view by firstly looking at the rule-following considerations as found in 185 and 201 to explicate Wittgensteins view that we cannot establish how to follow a rule correctly by looking at the rule itself, but rather we must examine at how the rule is applied as part of a communal practice. I will then use Meredith Williams critique of Saul Kripkes sceptical solution to the paradox and her argument for a communitarian view of Wittgensteins account of rule-following to discuss what a socially e mbedded justification and standard of normativity might entail. Following from this I will go on to examine John McDowells critique of Crispin Wrights anti-realism in order to discuss how a social normative standard can be established through the shared understandings held by a linguistic community. When describing the purpose of the rule-following considerations, Wittgenstein stated that what we are destroying is nothing but houses of cards and we are clearing up the ground of language on which they stand  [5]  by which he means that through a re-evaluation the nature of language we may dissolve the empty questions that traditional philosophy had been concerned with, including the question of what constitutes meaning. Wittgenstein aimed to achieve this by reminding the reader that rule-following cannot be a mental process by which we discern the meaning of the rule and then establish a set pattern of application. Perhaps the most important issue with the traditional view of rule-following that Wittgensteins attack brings to light is the regress of interpretation. Wittgenstein highlights this flaw in the belief that interpretation necessarily clarifies the content of a rule and provides a method of application. He does so by stating that there is no reason why an interpretat ion may not be just as ambiguous as the rule itself and therefore may also be subject to the same interpretative process as the rule. No one interpretation is going to be unambiguous in every situation to every individual. Therefore, the move to symbolic language does not clarify the rules contents, it simply leads to a regress as in this chain of reasoning we place one interpretation behind another as if each one contented us at least for a moment, until we thought of yet another lying behind it.  [6]  This regress means firstly that there is no ultimate justification to be found through interpretation, and secondly that the countless interpretations that a rule may be subject to renders the rule meaningless. From this Wittgenstein concludes that there is a way of grasping a rule which is not an interpretation  [7]  , meaning that understanding is not always aligned with the act of interpretation and rule-following does not necessarily involve a mediating interpretation bet ween the rule and its application. A second challenge uses the discrepancy between the infinite applications of a rule and the finite amount of times we can observe this application. This discrepancy shows that we cannot regard our understanding of a rule as the grasping of a set pattern of application that we must replicate in every future circumstance. Wittgenstein explicates this challenge in his deviant learner example in paragraph 185, in which a student seems to be following a numerical series +2 correctly up until he reaches 1,000 where he then changes to the series of +4. If the teacher had made the student stop following the series before 1,000 he would have never known that the student misunderstood the rule that he had been taught. The deviant learner also brings forth the issue that for any rule applied, for example, a 100 times, we can imagine other rules that give the same results but then diverges on its 101st application. This means that we cannot conceive of the meaning of rules as an infinite set of their application and therefore it is implausible to argue that when we explain a rule that we have an infinite set in mind. Just like the teacher in the deviant learner example, we may believe that someone has mastered the application of a rule, up until the point where they begin to get it wrong. This may happen at any point through a sequence and thus there is no way of knowing for certain if the person has understood the rule. Therefore, if we represent rules as infinite sets of applications but we only deal with finite numbers of these applications we can never be sure that we have successfully taught the rule, or are following it correctly ourselves. This means that if we wish to examine rules through how we follow them rather than their content, we cannot regard rule-following as being guided by rails invisibly laid out to infinity  [8]  if we wish to develop any semblance of normativity. Regarding his own view of the relation between a rule, our understanding of it and our method of application, Wittgenstein uses the analogy of playing chess, stating where is the connection effected between the sense of the words lets play a game of chess and all the rules of the game? Well, in the list of rules of the game, in the teaching of it, in the everyday practice of playing  [9]  . This means that our understanding of a rule results in how we are taught to understand it and this socially constructed comprehension manifests in the action of following of the rule as part of a custom. For example, when we encounter a signpost pointing right, we react to this by turning right because there is an established custom of doing so which we are initiated into through training. As there is clearly nothing inherent in the arrow that tells us how to react to it, this custom can only have been established by the community of which we are a member. Although Wittgenstein makes it clear that he believes that how we follow a rule is how we participate in a communal custom, he recognises the problem concerning the sustainment of normativity that this view must address. If our understanding is moulded by how we are trained, what happens when two people react to their training differently and how do we know which reaction is the correct one?  [10]  As it is the community that establishes how we follow a rule, and we can make no valid reference to the rule itself, it must then be the community that decides whether an individual follows a rule correctly. However, is there any way to prove that the community can provide the normative standard required to know whether or not we are following a rule correctly? I will now address this issue, beginning with an examination of Kripkes sceptical account of rule following. Saul Kripkes discussion of Wittgensteins account of language (which he stressed was not an interpretation, but a line of thought inspired by his reading of Wittgenstein) rests on the sceptical belief that there is no mental fact that can provide an ultimate justification for our belief that we are following the same rule in the same way as we have in the past, and therefore no objective notion of meaning. Although Kripkes account has not been popular, its influence is undeniable as it is used as the point of departure for the standard approach to rule-following  [11]  . Kripke founded his sceptical version of Wittgensteins account of rules on the first challenge to the classical account that I previously discussed which he named the sceptical paradox. This was our paradox; no course of action could be determined by a rule, because every course of action can be brought into accord with the rule. The answer was: if every course of action can be brought into accord with the rule, then it can be also brought into conflict with it. And so there would be neither accord nor conflict here.  [12]   Kripke saw this issue to be, the most radical sceptical problem that philosophy has seen to date  [13]  he stated that the problem lies in that we cannot discern a fact about the mental state of an individual that can justify their belief that they are following a particular rule in the correct way. Thus, the notion of rule-following becomes meaningless. In order to explicate the problem Kripke used the quaddition example in which he asked the reader to imagine in the method of calculation quaddition where, x quus y = x + y if x, y This would mean that quus would give the same results as plus for numerous calculations, up until y In order provide a solution to the sceptical paradox, Kripke argues that Wittgenstein must look for an exterior source for justification and normativity. Kripkes Wittgenstein finds this justification by first accepting the sceptical problem and acknowledging that there can be no ultimate justification therefore the solution must be sceptical itself. From this starting point he then reduces the severity of the problem by arguing that what is required to solve the sceptical problem are not truth conditions (the facts that meanings must obtain to in order to be true), but justification conditions. These justification conditions rest on our answers to the question what is the role, and the utility in our lives of the practice of asserting (or denying) the form of words under these conditions?  [14]  In other words, we must justify our understanding of a rule by showing how we use it within our everyday lives. Our application of the rule is then evaluated by the community as to whethe r it conforms to the usual application of the rule and is therefore correct. Kripkes sceptical account of rule-following does succeed in providing a comprehensive and plausible account for how we invest meaning into the notion of rule- following through community based justification and evaluation. However, it seems that by accepting the scepticism brought to light by the by the paradox Kripke is guilty of the very misunderstanding that Wittgenstein was trying to correct. Wittgensteins rejection of the sceptical problem appears to be shown in the second paragraph of 201 in which Wittgenstein states that we thereby show that there is a way of grasping a rule which is not an interpretation, but which, from case to case application is exhibited in what we call following the rule and going against it  [15]  . From this it appears that Wittgenstein believed it was possible to reject the view that understanding is reliant on interpretation without having to accept on a sceptical theory of meaning. Meredith Williams highlights Kripkes misunderstanding, arguing t hat his belief that the apparent lack of epistemic guidance and justification for the correct application of a rule presents a genuine problem reflects a continued allegiance to the ideal expressed in the classical view  [16]  . She argues that this allegiance distorts Wittgensteins view by searching for an epistemic solution, leading Kripke to replace truth conditions with justification conditions and subjective verification with communal verification. Although Williams shares Kripkes community view of rule-following, she holds that this is not simply a sceptical solution but a genuine source of justification, stating that Wittgensteins answer to the paradox is not a sceptical throwing up of the hands with But this is what I or we do, but an appeal to the social embeddedness of rules  [17]  . She also criticizes Kripke for misunderstanding the community view by denying the authority of those who have mastered the language and forms of life that they are involved with, thus making the authority of the community arbitrary. Williams argues that Wittgenstein held an overtly communitarian view of rules, she evens goes as far as to argue that only the communitarian view can provide rules with the power to constrain the behaviour of the individual and space needed for the basic normative distinction between correct and incorrect. Williams describes the activity of rule-following as a matter of establishing a second nature  [18]  . Rules gain their power from appearing natural and inevitable, meaning that we develop an instantaneous and blind obedience to them. Blind obedience is cultivated through the training of a novice by a master wherein the novice is taught the technique of application that lies in the background and gives content to the formula as rule  [19]  . These techniques then become bedrock practices which need no epistemic justification as they are legitimised by their conformity. Williams argues that it is the blind obedience in the application of bedrock judgements and actions that create space for the rule rather than vice versa, which she calls the primacy of action. Williams argues that both the novice and the master act blindly, they are alternative blind as they are unaware of alternative actions and judgements. The Novice is blind as they unquestioningly follow the example and in struction of the master as they are aware of no other alternatives. Masters act blindly as once they have mastered the language they are blind (or no longer subject to) the verification of the community. From this Williams then argues that it is these two kinds of blindness than can give weight to the constraints that rules place upon an individual by providing the necessary foundational level needed to stop the regress of interpretation. In regards to the issue of normativity, Williams argues that the necessity of following a rule in a particular way is established through a communal regularity which constitutes the form of life against which error and mistake, truth and falsity can be discerned.  [20]  This means that the community does not provide a normative standard through its assent. Rather, it is the structure of the community or in other words, a certain history and a certain setting  [21]  which sustains the regularity of practices over time therefore acting in accordance with this regularity that constitutes following a rule correctly. This means that when we engage in blind actions and judgements, we comply with rules in a way that has been developed in the community of which we are a member, therefore, it is only in relation to the structured practice of the community that the individual can engage in normative activity  [22]  . Williams theory of blind obedience as the source of the necessity of rules and normativity of rules as socially constructed appears to be a valid interpretation of Wittgensteins account of rule-following. However, the notion of socially embedded normativity appears to be in need of further examination. Even if Williams account does not rely on the overtly arbitrary assent of the community, how can an individual compare their understanding of the meaning of an expression with the one provided by the structured practice of the community and furthermore, how may the community ascertain an individuals understanding of a rule in a comprehensively in order to subject it to verification? In light of these queries, I believe that a more substantial account of social normativity is needed, one that I will explore in John McDowells critique of Crispin Wrights anti-realist theory of meaning. Crispin Wright held a community view of Wittgensteins account of rule-following however, he saw this as necessarily aligned with an anti-realist stance due to the scepticism against investigation-independent truth values that he took to be inherent in Wittgensteins rule-following considerations. According to Wright, there can be no such thing as an objective or investigation-independent fact and so the only source of normativity available to a language speaker is the verdict of the linguistic community. However, due to the lack of investigation-independence this verdict is arbitrary. Wright challenges the existence of investigation-independence by refuting the hypothetico-deductive picture of understanding which he believes to be a foundational aspect. In the case of learning a language, this theory assumes that the trainee is able to form a hypothesis of what they believe their trainer is attempting to convey. Wright argues that this would suggest that we all have some innate grasp of an idiolectic pattern of application. If this is the case, we can then assume that this insight is shared communally. Wright rejects this view of understanding as psychologically artificial  [23]  as it rests on the assumption that we have such access to understanding that allows us to make verifiable assertions about the meaning of expressions. He argues along similar lines to Kripke, that there is no way that a trainee may prove that her hypothesis correctly mirrors that of the apparent investigation-independent fact in every case of application. This then means that it is not possible to have a direct and privileged insight regarding the requisites of understanding an expression irrespective of whether this insight is shared. If we wish to claim that investigation-independent facts pertaining to language exist, they must be recognisable; otherwise the correct use of language would have to be regarded as a radical transcendence of human consciousness  [24]  . However, Wrights examination of the hypothetico-deductive picture shows that an individual cannot attribute themselves with the abil ity to recognise whether they are using an expression in accordance with the prescribed pattern of the fact, let alone persuade anyone else that they have this ability. From this Wright concludes that there is truth in the idea that it is community of assent which supplies the essential background against which alone it makes sense to think of individuals responses as correct or incorrect  [25]  . However, if we suppose that this means that the community has the capability that the individual lacks to recognise whether they are conforming to a determined pattern, we are then faced with the same dilemma as the individual as there is no way of knowing whether consensus aligns with correctness. Wright argues that communal consent can be the only authority regarding the correct employment of language (or in other words the application of the rules of language) but for the community itself there is no authority, so no standard to meet  [26]  meaning a community does not go right or wrong in accepting a particular verdict on a particular decidable question, rather, it just goes.  [27]   In accordance with Wrights belief that meaning cannot be constituted by investigation-independent facts he states that, the only notion of objectivity which the anti-realist can allow himself is the ordinary contrast between areas where disagreement is taken to betoken error or misunderstanding  [28]  . He argues that this is an acceptable view of meaning as our assertions can be given substance through reflecting on our epistemic practices from which they arise. However, this does not seem to be satisfactory, or even in alignment with Wittgensteins intentions due to such statements such as the agreement of ratifications is the pre-condition of our language-game, it is not affirmed in it  [29]  . It appears Wittgenstein believed not only that language games and the rules that govern them are not wholly determined by ratification, but they needed a stronger validation than such ratifications can provide. Although it is clear that Wittgenstein would not regard our grasping of m eaning as the grasping of a private idiolectic pattern, the way in which Wright approaches this seems to threaten normativity in an unnecessary way by associating the invalidity of the hypothetico-deductive picture with an inability of a community to recognise whether or not the individual is able to follow rules correctly. McDowell takes this view in his article Following a Rule in which he argues that Wrights anti-realist theory of meaning and understanding is not recognizable as such and furthermore cannot be regarded as Wittgensteins view. He states that Wrights rejection of investigation-independence yields a picture of the relation between the communal language and the world in which norms are obliterated  [30]  . In light of this it is difficult to see how the susceptibility of the individual to be corrected by the community can be regarded as a form of normativity as there are no norms that may constrain the judgement of the community. McDowell states that this revelation turns Wrights argument on its head  [31]  as it is then becomes necessary to reject anti-realism in order to discern an applicable notion of meaning. According to McDowell, the crux of Wrights misunderstanding, shared with Kripke lies in their overlooking of Wittgensteins intention to refute the convergence of understanding with interpretation which reflects his desire to preserve the sanctity of normativity and meaning. In fact, McDowell sees Wittgensteins goal as finding a middle path between two horns of a dilemma, one which he takes to be Kripkes view that understanding is necessarily interpretative leading to the sceptical paradox, and Wrights view in which expressions are behavioural reactions cultivated by the community making any notion of normativity an illusion. McDowell argues that the way in which we may follow a rule blindly avoiding the need for interpretation while retaining normativity is to situate the questions regarding rules, meaning and understanding within a framework of communal practices  [32]  and furthermore, to redefine what it means to be a member of a linguistic community. According to McDowell, a linguistic community is bound together, not by a match of mere externals (facts accessible to just anyone) but by a capacity for meeting of minds  [33]  . It is as a result of the capacity of members within a linguistic community to access aspects of other members understanding of expressions, that they are able to ascertain a shared meaning. McDowell concedes that Wright is correct to reject the idea that understanding an expression is to formulate a hypothesis concerning something concealed by the speakers linguistic behaviour. However, the anti-realist conclusion from this rejection is misguided in that it fails to also reject the idea that there is such a thing as surface linguistic behaviour. The linguistic behaviour of a speaker that is apparent to others must be characterised in terms of the contents of utterances  [34]  . A command of the language spoken by the speaker allows direct cognitive contact  [35]  with the meaning of this content and thus establishes true meeting of the minds. By this McDowell is suggesting that what we mean by our utterances is not hidden, it is in fact clearly discernible to those who speak the same language. By taking this view McDowell highlights Wittgensteins call for us to stop trying to look beneath the bedrock for reasons as to why we follow rules in a certain way. It is possible to ask further questions concerning the nature of rule-following and meaning but to do so blocks off the obvious and surely correct reading: that hearing a word in one sense rather than another is hearing it in one position rather than another in the network of possible patterns of making sense that we learn to find ourselves in when we acquire mastery of a language  [36]  . When we learn a language we also learn the ways in which this language should be used; there need not be a gap between the expression of a rule given in trainingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦and an action in conformity with it  [37]  . Therefore, when we understand an expression we use it in accordance with the communal use and our meaning is clear to those who share our language and customs. If we do not understand, our incomprehension is also clear and we may then be corrected. This appears to coincide with Wittgensteins belief that what is true or false is what human beings say; and it is in their language that human beings agree. This agreement not in opinion, but rather in form of life.  [38]   In this essay I have addressed the question of does Wittgenstein establish that language is rule-governed by discussing the issue of whether his account of rule-following can provide the justifications and normative standards that following a rule require. My exposition of the rule-following paradox and the deviant learner example revealed how Wittgenstein proved that we cannot provide a comprehensive account of rule-following by referring to the content of rules. However, even if this is the case, it does not necessarily mean that we must be sceptics regarding meaning as Kripke suggests. To believe that normativity and justification must be epistemic in nature is to misunderstand what it is to follow a rule. Williams account of how training situated within a particular social structure leads individuals to follow rules blindly effectively encapsulates how the only justification we require for the way we follow rules is that we have been trained to do so. I do believe Wright raises a valid point in asking how we may recognise that our understanding of certain rules is shared by others. However, through my examination of McDowells view that by sharing a language we are able to gain significant insight

Issues with Police Human Rights

Issues with Police Human Rights Chapter one: Introduction and overview 1.1: General Introduction: Police rights and police history has been a subject of limited interest to the scholars of criminal justice, labor history and industrial relations across the world (Baker, 1999). When human rights of police are prescribed and debated, the issue creates much controversy and draws strong reaction from the academician, human rights experts, police controlling authority and public (Marks Fleming, 2006). Police are usually perceived as state agents that serve the interest of the government. They think that police are bound to respect human rights of the population they serve while performing duties and functions specifically during using force, arresting and detention. The members of the police force often claim that they have equal rights and privilege similar to other citizens in addition to their duties and responsibilities. Apparently, there is a clear split between two poles on the one hand each citizen or criminal, whose rights must be respected and protected, and on the other ha nd the police officers who have no rights, responsibility only. This partisan may prompt another debate on whether the police officers have less or more rights and obligations then the rest of the citizens. But it is totally incorrect that police officers have obligations only but no rights. Police are also citizen entitled to the same rights, privileges and benefits of citizenship (Bruce Neild 2005). They are also protected by the same human rights standards (Feiner, 2009). If police are expected to defend democracy and human rights, they should not be denied basic democratic and basic rights (Marks Fleming, 2006). The rights of police officers are constrained by regional, national, and international regulatory frameworks (Marks and Fleming 2006). Sometimes their rights are reduced to such a level that they do not have many basic rights as a citizen in many countries. In Bangladesh, the rights of police officers also seem to be ill-understood and neglected on both intellectual and state level. The prolonged struggle of the police officers for the realization of the rights is not well-documented either in the academic or popular literature. The existing literature, human rights publications and the media while discussing about democratic policing often refer to the police accountability, civilianization of policing, policing outcomes and performance measurement, and community participation and partnerships but they hardly mention about the human rights of the police officers like other citizens of the country. As a result, the rights of police officers are subject to a wide range of violations in and outside the organization. The widespread violation of police rights varies from economic and social rights to civil and political rights, from individual level to collective level. This study attempted to investigate the economic and social rights viol ations of the police officers by narrowing down its focus only on the working environment they operate. The studies approached to examine the police work phenomena from human rights perspective where most of the studies described it from physiological, psychological and organizational perspective. 1.2: Objectives: The primary objective of this research is to depict a real picture of human rights situation of the crime fighters within the organization, to investigate its possible causes and impact on the police individual and society as a whole. The secondary aims include directives for future research into police rights discourse for academician, and to recommend ways to improve human rights situation of the police officers which might help strengthen ongoing Police Reform Program in Bangladesh. I firmly believe that the outcome of the research can contribute to the policy makers of the government and non-government organizations in resolving the human rights abuses in and outside the police organization. 1.3: Research Question: The following questions have been formulated in order to meet the research objectives: which of the economic and social rights of the police members in Bangladesh come under violation? What are the factors leading to the violation of the economic and social rights of police members? What are the possible consequences ofthe violation on victims lifeandon society at large? 1.4 Background to the study 1.4.1 Personal Motivation: Having both the human rights and police background, I perceived I would be the right person that would be able to precisely elucidate the complexity and peculiarity of human rights situation of the police workplace in Bangladesh. Police in Bangladesh are frequently accused of human rights abuse by the national and international human rights organizations (see Amnesty International, 2000, Odhikar, 2009). A number of studies can be done to answer ‘why do police violate human rights. But being an insider, I understand well where the tension between policing and human rights and between the ethics and the practice of policing lies. Nearly five years field level experience with the organization as a mid-level police supervisor has given me an impression that the overall environment where they operate is not congenial to human rights friendly atmosphere both for the general people and the police members. A big share or contribution to the adverse environment is made by the stressful job itself and different kinds of organizational factors. The factors outside the organizations also have a significant role in creating human rights unfriendly environment. Some of the abuses by the police are taking place for personal gain of the individual police members whereas some are the result of imposed burden which they are unable to resist. Resource constraints and staff shortage that put physical, psychological and organization pressure often compel them to exhibit deviance behavior. In addition, deprivation of several basic rights as a consequence of poor working conditions and low wages creates deep frustration and depression among them resulting in strong job dissatisfaction. When all these internal factors combine with other factors, it is very likely that the police officers show up with extreme police deviance behavior having serious impacts on human rights. Unfortunately, no shed of light fell on the fragile and poor working conditions of the police in Bangladesh so far. It is also harder for them to talk to the media, and claim their rights in the same way as the workers in the private sector do through demonstration or strike. As a result, their inhumane sufferings remain beyond the reach of media, human rights activists and general public. In 2005, government introduced police reform programmes assisted by UNDP, DFID and other international donors. The local newspaper being influenced by the programme, sometimes published reports on the organizational problem of the police discretely. However, I did not find any systematic academic researches that have been carried out on the economic and social rights of the Bangladesh police in relation to their workplace. 1.4.2 Relevance in history: The police struggle for their rights across the globe has been long and old. While police officers in Bangladesh are barred from being qualified as worker in the labor law, the police in Australia, Europe, North America and New Zealand are now fully entitled to have equal citizenship rights including economic and social rights (Finnane, 2001). In Europe, British Police stood up to establish their industrial and social rights through police strikes in London and Liverpool in 1918-9 and succeeded to ensure their industrial and social rights many decades ago. Following the British example, the adventurous police unions activities in New Zealand forced the government to mandate police unions and associations during 1919 ( Finnane 2001). There are also a number of instances of force revolt in the history of Bangladesh such as BDR mutiny in 2009. In 1993, subordinate police officers of Dhaka Metropoliton police at the Rajarbagh Police Lines in Dhaka agitated demanding better working condit ions and increased pay (ICG, 2009). Fortunately, it ended up without any bloodshed and increased salaries but many officers got sacked. In 2009, the paramilitary force Bangladesh Rifles which is also regulated by the same ministry, led a murderous uprising in response to poor working conditionss and low pay leaving more than 75 people dead (ICG 2009). 1.4.3 Rationale of the study: Realization of all the human rights including civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights is nearly impossible without social order (Crashaw 2002). Article 28 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights enables everyone to be entitled to the right to social and international order.   It is the police force whose fundamental function is to maintain social order by keeping criminality and social tension or civil unrest at tolerable level through effective policing. The dream of complete policing defined as effective, lawful and humane-would remain a dream only until and unless the police agencies are well managed and well resourced by the respective governments. Only through the promulgation of police code of conduct and ethics, human rights training, monitoring and oversight mechanism will help a little to improve the overall human rights records and performance of the police unless their basic rights remain unheard, unmet and fulfilled. Human rights of more than 150 mil lion people of Bangladesh will also be at risk if police with its limited resources and poor working conditionss fails to maintain social order and stability. 1.4.4 Overview of the study: The real working experiences of one and a half dozen of police officers are explored and analyzed using data obtained from their narratives conversational interviews. With direct reference to the existing available literature, it is attempted to demonstrate that the police members in Bangladesh have also been subject to the violation of economic and social rights in the workplace. But the human rights advocates ignore the close connection between internal and external violation i.e. human rights violation of the police and human rights abuse by the police. As a result, it has been a common practice among the human rights organizations, media and academician to criticize the police-subculture, corruption and lack of human rights training responsible for human rights violation by them. The sufferings and miseries of the police hardly managed to draw attention of the human rights organizations or the academician. The human rights organizations usually end up their duties by suggesting h uman rights training and monitoring mechanism to stop human rights abuses and corruption of the police. Despite the necessity of the human rights training and oversight mechanism, all these efforts may be proved meaningless for them if they do not see the application of those human rights in their practical lives. 1.4.5 Overview of the thesis: The thesis will be presented in six chapters: Chapter One: This chapter presents the background describing my personal view and motivations including primary and secondary objectives. Chapter Two: This chapter briefly describes the study population and the subject area including statistical numbers, facts and figures. Chapter Three: This chapter gives a theoretical and conceptual background of the topic based on existing literature and other secondary source of data. Chapter four: This chapter of methodology and method gives a full description of participant selection, interview process, ethical issues and the challenges to recruitment.   Chapter Five: This chapter explains how data is examined and analyzed to develop the themes expressed by the participants. Chapter Six: In this chapter, Findings are discussed and reviewed with the objectives. This chapter also discusses the implications and limitations of the thesis. 1.4.6 Conclusion: This chapter gives an overall idea on the topic and describes the genesis of the research topic. Personal motivation for undertaking this project and the relevance of the research has also been discussed. It also gives an overview of the research and the chapter outlines. The following chapter discusses about the population under study and the subject area highlighting various aspects of the organization. Chapter two: Demographical and organizational context of the research 2.1 The study population: Bangladesh Police is a national organization with headquarter based in Dhaka. It is answerable to the acting government which controls and oversees the organization under the administrative control by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA). The organization consists of a number of branches and units that mainly include Range and Metropolitan police, traffic, an armed police battalion(APBN), a criminal investigation department (CID), special branch (SB), Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), and training institutions (Shahjahan, 2000). The ‘Range and ‘Metropolitan police are again subdivided into districts, circles, police stations and outposts (Shahjahan 2000, ICG 2009). Bangladesh has a total of 123197 police officers for its over 153 million population (ICG 2009). It means there is only one police officer for more than 1,200 people in Bangladesh. This ratio is probably the lowest ratio among the other South Asian nations, and nearly three times lower than the recommended ratio of 1:450 by the UN (ICG 2009, Appendix C). In some areas for example in Sylhet and Coxbazar district of the country the ratios are 1:3500 and 1: 2000 respectively (ICG 2009). The total force with eighteen ranks can be categorized into gazetted (ASP to IGP) and non-gazetted ranks (Constable to Inspector) which is roughly analogous to commissioned and non-commissioned officers in the military. Subordinate officers with numbers 121,659 have overwhelming majority over the gazetted officers numbering 1538 only (ICG 2009: 8). The Inspector General of Police (IGP), Deputy Inspector General (DIG), Assistant Inspector Generals(AIG) or superintendents of police (SP) and Assistant Superintendent of Police constitute the four gazetted ranks while subordinate ranks include the positions of inspector, sub-inspector, sergeant, and assistant sub-inspector, head constables both armed and unarmed, naiks and constables (ICG 2009:30). Out of 121659 subordinate officers, constables are bulk forces having a figure roughly 88,000. The total number of women police is also very low standing at 1,937 i.e. roughly 1.5 percent in compared to that of other low income countries having 8.5 per cent policewomen (ICG 2009: 9). 2.2 The subject area: In recent years, both the print and electronic media of the country also revealed many facts and figures about the working conditions of the police in Bangladesh. Karzon (2006) in a newspaper article stated that the police in Bangladesh are confronted with many kinds of problem that ranges from weak infrastructure to poor working conditions.Although Bangladesh got independence in 1947 from British rule and got separated from Pakistan in 1971, it has failed to rebuild its police force. The country still retains a colonial system of policing with little change that it inherited from its colonial master ( Karzon, 2006; ). The subsequent governments kept century-old police laws such as the Police Act of 1861; the Evidence Act of 1872; the Criminal Procedure Code of Police of 1898; and Police Regulation of Bengal of 1943 that were primarily devised to deter anti-British movements (Shahjahan, 2000; Karzon, 2006). Many provisions of the outdated laws have flaws and gaps that are inconsisten t with the human rights spirits, rule of law and modern democracy (Karzon, 2006; ICG 2009). Police in Bangladesh particularly the subordinate ranks lead a very difficult and unrewarding life because of deplorable working conditions, abysmal salaries, excessive workload, corrupt and politicized transfer and promotion system (ICG 2009; ). In terms of salary, the top-most police boss draws a monthly salary of Taka 23 000 ($333) while the lowest salary of the organization amounts to Taka 3000 which is just $1.30 a day which is approximately equal to the international poverty line of $1.25 per day (see appendix B). The working hours of the police members are almost double than that of other government employees (Karzon, 2006). It is also reported that they do not have adequate logistic support such as vehicles, prison vans, radios, fuel for vehicles, bicycles, modern weapons and even stationery to write reports (Karzon, 2006; ICG, 2009). Vacation, public holidays, annual and other leaves are rare and unheard and all these problems remain a great source of frustration and low mor ale for the officers (ICG, 2009). The annual budget of $420-million in addition to the resource constrains and staff shortage is simply unable to meet the organizational needs. In a report, another national daily revealed that 99 percent of the policemen blame the poor working conditions and lack of logistic support as major factors that prevent them from performing their duties (The Daily Star, 2007).   It commented that the police members in Bangladesh will continue to lead in human life until and unless salaries are increased, daily work hours are reduced to an acceptable level and all operational costs are met by the government. Referring to Paolo del Mistro, a Police specialist of the UNDP, a newspaper stated, â€Å"the police in Bangladesh are leading unsatisfactory life and they do not enjoy their policing job as it often destroys their self-respect. Moreover, they are not well-equipped† (cited in Azad, 2007).  Ã‚   He blamed the system not the police department fo r the grim working and living conditions. A civil society member in a seminar also stressed the need for increasing the salary and allowances for the police so that the police members change their mindset (The Independent, Bangladesh, 2008). In a round table discussion, another civil society member of the country went further and suggested that police officers with low salaries should be allowed to do other jobs so that they can compensate for the poor pay. He asserted, â€Å"They can not do that as long as their time of duty is not definite† (The Daily Star, August 12, 2007). The police in Bangladesh have a bad reputation for their alleged involvement with corruption and brutality (ICG, 2009). According to Transparency International Bangladesh report, 96.6 per cent of Bangladeshs households experienced some form of corruption that came across with law enforcement agencies (TIB, 2007). Police organization in Bangladesh had been identified as the most corrupt agency among all the government agency (karzon, 2006). A leading national daily of the country in its editorial wrote that the poor working conditions obstruct police to become servant of the people (The daily prothom alo, 2007). It recommended increasing the number of police personnel, vehicle and remuneration of police in addition to improving the poor working condition. Chapter three: Literature Review 3.1 Introduction: This chapter reviews the existing literature and other secondary sources of data that are related to the economic and social rights of police. The complex nature of the issue has been organized into various sections giving different aspects including the causes and consequences if remain unrealized. 3.2 Economic and social rights of police: The concept of human rights of police does not imply a new thought or idea. Rather these are the same rights and benefits to which every citizen is entitled. Referring to police rights, Bruce and Neild asserted: the facts that police are citizens, means they are entitled to the rights, privileges and benefits of citizenship (2005:41). Therefore human rights of police include all the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights (Feiner, 2009; Aitchison, 2004). The rights of police officers are also protected by the same human rights standards enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as in the various regional and international human rights charters such as International Covenant on Economic, Social Cultural rights, and European Convention on Human Rights (United Nations 1948; United Nations 1976; ECHR 1950). The economic and social rights of police are also clearly stated and standardized in the European Social Charter 1961 and the European Code of Pol ice Ethics 2001 (ESC 1961; ECPE 2001). Both the charter provides a set of   standards for police officers including reasonable working hours, rest periods and paid holidays, remuneration enabling them to have a decent standard of living, increased overtime payment, health and safety regulations in the workplace and a system of social security considering their special nature and character of work. Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights and article 6 of the European Social Charter 1961 recognize the right of the police members to form and join trade unions.   International Labour Organization as a specialized international agency of the United Nations set some international labor standards and fundamental rights at work in its various conventions (ILO 1998). It sets standards determining hours of work, shift work, holidays, vacations, wages, social security and policy, accommodation, trade union, collective bargaining, rest and leisure for the workers to promote strong social policies, justice and democratic institutions. The benefits of the work standards set by ILO are equally applicable to the members of police in their work place. But it is important to make clear that the police officers can claim the rights against the state not other citizens. The failure of the state to protect the rights does not give legitimacy to police to resort to violations of human rights of general people or citizens. Police like other employees of the state are the public servants that serve state interest. As an employee or worker, the human rights of a police officer mainly revolve around the economic and social rights that mainly fall into the following categories: labour rights and the right to adequate standard of living, right to food, right to health, right to housing and right to education (Nel Bezuidenbout, 1997:97). The bulk labour rights include the right to trade union, right to organized and collective bargaining, right to rest and leisure, right to no forced labour, right to work and equal pay for equal work. Bruce and Neild also argued that central to recognizing police as citizens revolve around their right to decent conditions of service, the right to form employee representative organizations, and the right to engage in collective bargaining (2005:43). 3.2.1 Democratic policing versus economic and social rights of police: There is a close link â€Å"between organizational police democracy and societal democracy† where citizens are able to participate in decision-making processes and where basic human rights are protected (Marks Fleming, 2006:179). It means police are likely to respond more democratically and humanly if they also experience the benefits of democratic labor and social rights in their organizational set up (Berkley 1969, 46-51). Hence the right of police officers to engage in direct and indirect forms of democratic participation is crucial to rights based awareness. Police rights movement through democratic police union is also consistent with the advancement of democracy and good governance (Finnane, 2002; Prasad Snel, 2004). Police rights movement is now viewed as a countervailing force and broadcasting agendas for social change directed to establish racial justice, gender equality, and urban change (Berkley, 1969; Johnston, 2000; Robinson, 2000; Sklansky, 2005b; OMalley Hutc hinson, 2005). Police union can be seen as a bulk force for them because through the exercise of this right they might get the recognition of other economic and social rights in the workplace. In addition, police democracy brings not only the democratic benefit for them, rather through democratic police rights movement through police union can serve as a necessary internal check against bureaucratic usurpation within the organization (Gammage Stanley, 1972; Fleming Lewis, 2002:92). Despite all the benefits and importance of police trade union as core labor rights of ILO, it creates more controversy and brings criticism from academics, police managers and public than any other labour union. Police organization that allows police union is branded as ‘obdurate organization by the police scholars as the union engages only on their own vested interests such as workplace improvement and status enhancement rather than social justice features (Fogelson, 1977; OMalley, 2005b; Reiner, 1978). The critics argued that this narrowness or ‘bureaucratic conservatism of police union may thwart democratic aspirations within trade union structures (Hyman, 2000; Prasad et al 2004; Burgmann Burgmann, 1998:63). 3.2.2 Positive development towards police rights: A significant change is occurring in the police organizations across the world through the ‘privatization, civilianization, and responsibilization of policing (Marks Fleming, 2006: 193). International Labour Organization recognizes all the employment rights of the police officers except few restrictions for the emergency services (ILO 2004). But in a recent move, the ILO develops codes of practice to promote social dialogue within the public service including emergency service too. In a joint meeting on public emergency service (such as police) in 2003, The ILO adopted a document Guidelines on Social Dialogue for Public Emergency Services in a Changing Environment to promote fundamental labor rights such as the right to form and join trade union,   and collective bargaining. Thus these guidelines of ILO give an indication to its member states to allow the police to unionize and to bargain (ILO 2003a). The international network of police unions has also been attempted to pers uade the ILO to review its conventions (Mark Fleming, 2006).   They quoted Shizue Tomoda, an ILO technical specialist, as saying, â€Å"As long as a large number of member states feel that it is proper for police labor rights to be regulated by national laws, the ILO Secretariat can do little to change the status quo.†(p.189). In parallel with ILO prescription, many nations have promulgated special legislations that enable police officers to be entitled to all the citizenship rights including police union for instance, Police Officers Bill of Rights of USA; the European Social Charter and European Code of Police Ethics in Europe. The modern policing are now centered on the principle of more democracy, more accountability, more equitability, and more professionalism. Police organization within public sector is now defined as growing labor-intensive industry that enables police to be qualified as ‘worker having all the labour rights (Mark Fleming, 2006). Hence, being a member of a labor-intensive industry, they are also equally concerned about the working conditionss and wages (Wellington Winter, 1969; Reiner, 1978).The current global socio-economic climate leads police unions and public sector unions to work more closely with the labour movement in terms of their rights to collective bargaining (Reiner, 1978). EUROCOP, an association of twenty-seven member police organizations across Europe, is also promoting fairness and equal opportunities in the police service of its member organizations (Marks Fleming 2006).   Berkley (1969:46-51) also mentioned about the highly developed police unions across th e Europe such as in Germany, France, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Griffin (2001), Chief executive officer of the Canadian Professional Police Association noted that the police representatives in Canada are now a part of broad labor union body (Fleming Lewis, 2002). In the United States, Police unions go beyond the narrow interest of the police members promoting the public interests agenda consistent with community preferences in partnership with other police union partner (Magenau Hunt, 1996).   The police federation of Australia is also affiliated and aligned with the national trade union federation (Marks Fleming, 2006). Some unions of Australia (for example, the Northern Territory Police Association NTPA) are now playing a very significant and central role to solve the resource problem of the aboriginal territory. In South Africa, the Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union (POPCRU) established in 1989 is also affiliated to the progressive trade union federation committed t o democratic governance. They defend the socio-economic interests of the communities which is now well-recognized by the international human rights organizations (Marks Fleming, 2004). Police in Lesotho, Zambia, and Botswana who were denied the police rights, called upon the South African police union, POPCRU, to assist them in convincing police authorities and managers about the benefits of police unionization (Hopkins, 2004). 3.3 Theoretical framework: 3.3.1 Occupational police stress: A number of books, reviews of literature and public seminars on the study of the stressful nature of work indicate the growing interest in the field over the past 45 years across the world including America, Britain, Australia and New Zealand (Hurrell, Nelson, Simmons , Buunk de Wolff, 1992; Fried, 1993; Huddleston, 2002). One of the main reasons behind the interest is work-related stress causes huge human and monetary cost (Schuler Van Sell, 1981; Cooper Marshall, 1976; Levi, 1981; Moss, 1981 cited in Parker DeCotiis, 1983). The recent years have also witnessed ‘a sizeable body of literature that examines police stress from a variety of perspective (Webb Smith, 1980:251). This study will look into the police stress from human rights approach taking its physiological, psychological and organizational consequences into account. Even though a certain levels of stress are found in almost all occupations, police work has long been termed as a high stress, high strain and â₠¬Ëœcritical profession (Anshel, 2000, Brown Campbell, 1994; Horn, 1991; Kroes, 1976; Kroes Hurrell, 1975; Raiser, 1974; Reilly DiAngelo, 1990; Violanti Marshall, 1983, Paton 1996a). They are usually the first to reach and the last to leave the scenes of murder, suicides or accidents. One police psychologist stated: â€Å"It is an accepted fact that a police officer is under stress and pressure unequaled by any other profession† (cited in Webb Smith 1980:255). They are frequently confronted with very sad and violent categories of incidents (Carlier, 1999, Carlier Gersons, 1992) and ‘hidden victims of work-related psychological trauma (Paton, 1989, 1994b). Apart from the aforementioned intrinsic job stress, the police stressors may range from critical staff shortage to interaction in and outside the organization. Police stressors within the organization may be characterized as excessive workload, staff shortage, work interfering with family, poor or inadequate equipment or resources, seeing criminals go free and inadequate pay, uncivil interaction with co-workers and administrative hassles (Collins Gibbs, 2003; Davey, Obst, Sheehan, 2001; Morash, Haarr, Kwak, 2006; Pasillas, Follette, Perumean-Chaney, 2006, Huddleston 2002). Rigid organizational structure, shift work, excessive overtime, lack of opportunities for the advancement, workplace discrimination or harassment, administrative pressure to solve the problem, and conflicts over role and responsibility, job transfer, daily hassles, work-related disasters   can also cause serious police stress (Collins Gibbs, 2003; Brown Campbell 1994; Sewell 1993; Pratt Barling, 1988). A p olice officer without the support of his or her family or friend and personal skills is more vulnerable to police stressors (Dewe Guest, 1990; Latach Havlovic, 1992; Tho Issues with Police Human Rights Issues with Police Human Rights Chapter one: Introduction and overview 1.1: General Introduction: Police rights and police history has been a subject of limited interest to the scholars of criminal justice, labor history and industrial relations across the world (Baker, 1999). When human rights of police are prescribed and debated, the issue creates much controversy and draws strong reaction from the academician, human rights experts, police controlling authority and public (Marks Fleming, 2006). Police are usually perceived as state agents that serve the interest of the government. They think that police are bound to respect human rights of the population they serve while performing duties and functions specifically during using force, arresting and detention. The members of the police force often claim that they have equal rights and privilege similar to other citizens in addition to their duties and responsibilities. Apparently, there is a clear split between two poles on the one hand each citizen or criminal, whose rights must be respected and protected, and on the other ha nd the police officers who have no rights, responsibility only. This partisan may prompt another debate on whether the police officers have less or more rights and obligations then the rest of the citizens. But it is totally incorrect that police officers have obligations only but no rights. Police are also citizen entitled to the same rights, privileges and benefits of citizenship (Bruce Neild 2005). They are also protected by the same human rights standards (Feiner, 2009). If police are expected to defend democracy and human rights, they should not be denied basic democratic and basic rights (Marks Fleming, 2006). The rights of police officers are constrained by regional, national, and international regulatory frameworks (Marks and Fleming 2006). Sometimes their rights are reduced to such a level that they do not have many basic rights as a citizen in many countries. In Bangladesh, the rights of police officers also seem to be ill-understood and neglected on both intellectual and state level. The prolonged struggle of the police officers for the realization of the rights is not well-documented either in the academic or popular literature. The existing literature, human rights publications and the media while discussing about democratic policing often refer to the police accountability, civilianization of policing, policing outcomes and performance measurement, and community participation and partnerships but they hardly mention about the human rights of the police officers like other citizens of the country. As a result, the rights of police officers are subject to a wide range of violations in and outside the organization. The widespread violation of police rights varies from economic and social rights to civil and political rights, from individual level to collective level. This study attempted to investigate the economic and social rights viol ations of the police officers by narrowing down its focus only on the working environment they operate. The studies approached to examine the police work phenomena from human rights perspective where most of the studies described it from physiological, psychological and organizational perspective. 1.2: Objectives: The primary objective of this research is to depict a real picture of human rights situation of the crime fighters within the organization, to investigate its possible causes and impact on the police individual and society as a whole. The secondary aims include directives for future research into police rights discourse for academician, and to recommend ways to improve human rights situation of the police officers which might help strengthen ongoing Police Reform Program in Bangladesh. I firmly believe that the outcome of the research can contribute to the policy makers of the government and non-government organizations in resolving the human rights abuses in and outside the police organization. 1.3: Research Question: The following questions have been formulated in order to meet the research objectives: which of the economic and social rights of the police members in Bangladesh come under violation? What are the factors leading to the violation of the economic and social rights of police members? What are the possible consequences ofthe violation on victims lifeandon society at large? 1.4 Background to the study 1.4.1 Personal Motivation: Having both the human rights and police background, I perceived I would be the right person that would be able to precisely elucidate the complexity and peculiarity of human rights situation of the police workplace in Bangladesh. Police in Bangladesh are frequently accused of human rights abuse by the national and international human rights organizations (see Amnesty International, 2000, Odhikar, 2009). A number of studies can be done to answer ‘why do police violate human rights. But being an insider, I understand well where the tension between policing and human rights and between the ethics and the practice of policing lies. Nearly five years field level experience with the organization as a mid-level police supervisor has given me an impression that the overall environment where they operate is not congenial to human rights friendly atmosphere both for the general people and the police members. A big share or contribution to the adverse environment is made by the stressful job itself and different kinds of organizational factors. The factors outside the organizations also have a significant role in creating human rights unfriendly environment. Some of the abuses by the police are taking place for personal gain of the individual police members whereas some are the result of imposed burden which they are unable to resist. Resource constraints and staff shortage that put physical, psychological and organization pressure often compel them to exhibit deviance behavior. In addition, deprivation of several basic rights as a consequence of poor working conditions and low wages creates deep frustration and depression among them resulting in strong job dissatisfaction. When all these internal factors combine with other factors, it is very likely that the police officers show up with extreme police deviance behavior having serious impacts on human rights. Unfortunately, no shed of light fell on the fragile and poor working conditions of the police in Bangladesh so far. It is also harder for them to talk to the media, and claim their rights in the same way as the workers in the private sector do through demonstration or strike. As a result, their inhumane sufferings remain beyond the reach of media, human rights activists and general public. In 2005, government introduced police reform programmes assisted by UNDP, DFID and other international donors. The local newspaper being influenced by the programme, sometimes published reports on the organizational problem of the police discretely. However, I did not find any systematic academic researches that have been carried out on the economic and social rights of the Bangladesh police in relation to their workplace. 1.4.2 Relevance in history: The police struggle for their rights across the globe has been long and old. While police officers in Bangladesh are barred from being qualified as worker in the labor law, the police in Australia, Europe, North America and New Zealand are now fully entitled to have equal citizenship rights including economic and social rights (Finnane, 2001). In Europe, British Police stood up to establish their industrial and social rights through police strikes in London and Liverpool in 1918-9 and succeeded to ensure their industrial and social rights many decades ago. Following the British example, the adventurous police unions activities in New Zealand forced the government to mandate police unions and associations during 1919 ( Finnane 2001). There are also a number of instances of force revolt in the history of Bangladesh such as BDR mutiny in 2009. In 1993, subordinate police officers of Dhaka Metropoliton police at the Rajarbagh Police Lines in Dhaka agitated demanding better working condit ions and increased pay (ICG, 2009). Fortunately, it ended up without any bloodshed and increased salaries but many officers got sacked. In 2009, the paramilitary force Bangladesh Rifles which is also regulated by the same ministry, led a murderous uprising in response to poor working conditionss and low pay leaving more than 75 people dead (ICG 2009). 1.4.3 Rationale of the study: Realization of all the human rights including civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights is nearly impossible without social order (Crashaw 2002). Article 28 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights enables everyone to be entitled to the right to social and international order.   It is the police force whose fundamental function is to maintain social order by keeping criminality and social tension or civil unrest at tolerable level through effective policing. The dream of complete policing defined as effective, lawful and humane-would remain a dream only until and unless the police agencies are well managed and well resourced by the respective governments. Only through the promulgation of police code of conduct and ethics, human rights training, monitoring and oversight mechanism will help a little to improve the overall human rights records and performance of the police unless their basic rights remain unheard, unmet and fulfilled. Human rights of more than 150 mil lion people of Bangladesh will also be at risk if police with its limited resources and poor working conditionss fails to maintain social order and stability. 1.4.4 Overview of the study: The real working experiences of one and a half dozen of police officers are explored and analyzed using data obtained from their narratives conversational interviews. With direct reference to the existing available literature, it is attempted to demonstrate that the police members in Bangladesh have also been subject to the violation of economic and social rights in the workplace. But the human rights advocates ignore the close connection between internal and external violation i.e. human rights violation of the police and human rights abuse by the police. As a result, it has been a common practice among the human rights organizations, media and academician to criticize the police-subculture, corruption and lack of human rights training responsible for human rights violation by them. The sufferings and miseries of the police hardly managed to draw attention of the human rights organizations or the academician. The human rights organizations usually end up their duties by suggesting h uman rights training and monitoring mechanism to stop human rights abuses and corruption of the police. Despite the necessity of the human rights training and oversight mechanism, all these efforts may be proved meaningless for them if they do not see the application of those human rights in their practical lives. 1.4.5 Overview of the thesis: The thesis will be presented in six chapters: Chapter One: This chapter presents the background describing my personal view and motivations including primary and secondary objectives. Chapter Two: This chapter briefly describes the study population and the subject area including statistical numbers, facts and figures. Chapter Three: This chapter gives a theoretical and conceptual background of the topic based on existing literature and other secondary source of data. Chapter four: This chapter of methodology and method gives a full description of participant selection, interview process, ethical issues and the challenges to recruitment.   Chapter Five: This chapter explains how data is examined and analyzed to develop the themes expressed by the participants. Chapter Six: In this chapter, Findings are discussed and reviewed with the objectives. This chapter also discusses the implications and limitations of the thesis. 1.4.6 Conclusion: This chapter gives an overall idea on the topic and describes the genesis of the research topic. Personal motivation for undertaking this project and the relevance of the research has also been discussed. It also gives an overview of the research and the chapter outlines. The following chapter discusses about the population under study and the subject area highlighting various aspects of the organization. Chapter two: Demographical and organizational context of the research 2.1 The study population: Bangladesh Police is a national organization with headquarter based in Dhaka. It is answerable to the acting government which controls and oversees the organization under the administrative control by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA). The organization consists of a number of branches and units that mainly include Range and Metropolitan police, traffic, an armed police battalion(APBN), a criminal investigation department (CID), special branch (SB), Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), and training institutions (Shahjahan, 2000). The ‘Range and ‘Metropolitan police are again subdivided into districts, circles, police stations and outposts (Shahjahan 2000, ICG 2009). Bangladesh has a total of 123197 police officers for its over 153 million population (ICG 2009). It means there is only one police officer for more than 1,200 people in Bangladesh. This ratio is probably the lowest ratio among the other South Asian nations, and nearly three times lower than the recommended ratio of 1:450 by the UN (ICG 2009, Appendix C). In some areas for example in Sylhet and Coxbazar district of the country the ratios are 1:3500 and 1: 2000 respectively (ICG 2009). The total force with eighteen ranks can be categorized into gazetted (ASP to IGP) and non-gazetted ranks (Constable to Inspector) which is roughly analogous to commissioned and non-commissioned officers in the military. Subordinate officers with numbers 121,659 have overwhelming majority over the gazetted officers numbering 1538 only (ICG 2009: 8). The Inspector General of Police (IGP), Deputy Inspector General (DIG), Assistant Inspector Generals(AIG) or superintendents of police (SP) and Assistant Superintendent of Police constitute the four gazetted ranks while subordinate ranks include the positions of inspector, sub-inspector, sergeant, and assistant sub-inspector, head constables both armed and unarmed, naiks and constables (ICG 2009:30). Out of 121659 subordinate officers, constables are bulk forces having a figure roughly 88,000. The total number of women police is also very low standing at 1,937 i.e. roughly 1.5 percent in compared to that of other low income countries having 8.5 per cent policewomen (ICG 2009: 9). 2.2 The subject area: In recent years, both the print and electronic media of the country also revealed many facts and figures about the working conditions of the police in Bangladesh. Karzon (2006) in a newspaper article stated that the police in Bangladesh are confronted with many kinds of problem that ranges from weak infrastructure to poor working conditions.Although Bangladesh got independence in 1947 from British rule and got separated from Pakistan in 1971, it has failed to rebuild its police force. The country still retains a colonial system of policing with little change that it inherited from its colonial master ( Karzon, 2006; ). The subsequent governments kept century-old police laws such as the Police Act of 1861; the Evidence Act of 1872; the Criminal Procedure Code of Police of 1898; and Police Regulation of Bengal of 1943 that were primarily devised to deter anti-British movements (Shahjahan, 2000; Karzon, 2006). Many provisions of the outdated laws have flaws and gaps that are inconsisten t with the human rights spirits, rule of law and modern democracy (Karzon, 2006; ICG 2009). Police in Bangladesh particularly the subordinate ranks lead a very difficult and unrewarding life because of deplorable working conditions, abysmal salaries, excessive workload, corrupt and politicized transfer and promotion system (ICG 2009; ). In terms of salary, the top-most police boss draws a monthly salary of Taka 23 000 ($333) while the lowest salary of the organization amounts to Taka 3000 which is just $1.30 a day which is approximately equal to the international poverty line of $1.25 per day (see appendix B). The working hours of the police members are almost double than that of other government employees (Karzon, 2006). It is also reported that they do not have adequate logistic support such as vehicles, prison vans, radios, fuel for vehicles, bicycles, modern weapons and even stationery to write reports (Karzon, 2006; ICG, 2009). Vacation, public holidays, annual and other leaves are rare and unheard and all these problems remain a great source of frustration and low mor ale for the officers (ICG, 2009). The annual budget of $420-million in addition to the resource constrains and staff shortage is simply unable to meet the organizational needs. In a report, another national daily revealed that 99 percent of the policemen blame the poor working conditions and lack of logistic support as major factors that prevent them from performing their duties (The Daily Star, 2007).   It commented that the police members in Bangladesh will continue to lead in human life until and unless salaries are increased, daily work hours are reduced to an acceptable level and all operational costs are met by the government. Referring to Paolo del Mistro, a Police specialist of the UNDP, a newspaper stated, â€Å"the police in Bangladesh are leading unsatisfactory life and they do not enjoy their policing job as it often destroys their self-respect. Moreover, they are not well-equipped† (cited in Azad, 2007).  Ã‚   He blamed the system not the police department fo r the grim working and living conditions. A civil society member in a seminar also stressed the need for increasing the salary and allowances for the police so that the police members change their mindset (The Independent, Bangladesh, 2008). In a round table discussion, another civil society member of the country went further and suggested that police officers with low salaries should be allowed to do other jobs so that they can compensate for the poor pay. He asserted, â€Å"They can not do that as long as their time of duty is not definite† (The Daily Star, August 12, 2007). The police in Bangladesh have a bad reputation for their alleged involvement with corruption and brutality (ICG, 2009). According to Transparency International Bangladesh report, 96.6 per cent of Bangladeshs households experienced some form of corruption that came across with law enforcement agencies (TIB, 2007). Police organization in Bangladesh had been identified as the most corrupt agency among all the government agency (karzon, 2006). A leading national daily of the country in its editorial wrote that the poor working conditions obstruct police to become servant of the people (The daily prothom alo, 2007). It recommended increasing the number of police personnel, vehicle and remuneration of police in addition to improving the poor working condition. Chapter three: Literature Review 3.1 Introduction: This chapter reviews the existing literature and other secondary sources of data that are related to the economic and social rights of police. The complex nature of the issue has been organized into various sections giving different aspects including the causes and consequences if remain unrealized. 3.2 Economic and social rights of police: The concept of human rights of police does not imply a new thought or idea. Rather these are the same rights and benefits to which every citizen is entitled. Referring to police rights, Bruce and Neild asserted: the facts that police are citizens, means they are entitled to the rights, privileges and benefits of citizenship (2005:41). Therefore human rights of police include all the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights (Feiner, 2009; Aitchison, 2004). The rights of police officers are also protected by the same human rights standards enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as in the various regional and international human rights charters such as International Covenant on Economic, Social Cultural rights, and European Convention on Human Rights (United Nations 1948; United Nations 1976; ECHR 1950). The economic and social rights of police are also clearly stated and standardized in the European Social Charter 1961 and the European Code of Pol ice Ethics 2001 (ESC 1961; ECPE 2001). Both the charter provides a set of   standards for police officers including reasonable working hours, rest periods and paid holidays, remuneration enabling them to have a decent standard of living, increased overtime payment, health and safety regulations in the workplace and a system of social security considering their special nature and character of work. Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights and article 6 of the European Social Charter 1961 recognize the right of the police members to form and join trade unions.   International Labour Organization as a specialized international agency of the United Nations set some international labor standards and fundamental rights at work in its various conventions (ILO 1998). It sets standards determining hours of work, shift work, holidays, vacations, wages, social security and policy, accommodation, trade union, collective bargaining, rest and leisure for the workers to promote strong social policies, justice and democratic institutions. The benefits of the work standards set by ILO are equally applicable to the members of police in their work place. But it is important to make clear that the police officers can claim the rights against the state not other citizens. The failure of the state to protect the rights does not give legitimacy to police to resort to violations of human rights of general people or citizens. Police like other employees of the state are the public servants that serve state interest. As an employee or worker, the human rights of a police officer mainly revolve around the economic and social rights that mainly fall into the following categories: labour rights and the right to adequate standard of living, right to food, right to health, right to housing and right to education (Nel Bezuidenbout, 1997:97). The bulk labour rights include the right to trade union, right to organized and collective bargaining, right to rest and leisure, right to no forced labour, right to work and equal pay for equal work. Bruce and Neild also argued that central to recognizing police as citizens revolve around their right to decent conditions of service, the right to form employee representative organizations, and the right to engage in collective bargaining (2005:43). 3.2.1 Democratic policing versus economic and social rights of police: There is a close link â€Å"between organizational police democracy and societal democracy† where citizens are able to participate in decision-making processes and where basic human rights are protected (Marks Fleming, 2006:179). It means police are likely to respond more democratically and humanly if they also experience the benefits of democratic labor and social rights in their organizational set up (Berkley 1969, 46-51). Hence the right of police officers to engage in direct and indirect forms of democratic participation is crucial to rights based awareness. Police rights movement through democratic police union is also consistent with the advancement of democracy and good governance (Finnane, 2002; Prasad Snel, 2004). Police rights movement is now viewed as a countervailing force and broadcasting agendas for social change directed to establish racial justice, gender equality, and urban change (Berkley, 1969; Johnston, 2000; Robinson, 2000; Sklansky, 2005b; OMalley Hutc hinson, 2005). Police union can be seen as a bulk force for them because through the exercise of this right they might get the recognition of other economic and social rights in the workplace. In addition, police democracy brings not only the democratic benefit for them, rather through democratic police rights movement through police union can serve as a necessary internal check against bureaucratic usurpation within the organization (Gammage Stanley, 1972; Fleming Lewis, 2002:92). Despite all the benefits and importance of police trade union as core labor rights of ILO, it creates more controversy and brings criticism from academics, police managers and public than any other labour union. Police organization that allows police union is branded as ‘obdurate organization by the police scholars as the union engages only on their own vested interests such as workplace improvement and status enhancement rather than social justice features (Fogelson, 1977; OMalley, 2005b; Reiner, 1978). The critics argued that this narrowness or ‘bureaucratic conservatism of police union may thwart democratic aspirations within trade union structures (Hyman, 2000; Prasad et al 2004; Burgmann Burgmann, 1998:63). 3.2.2 Positive development towards police rights: A significant change is occurring in the police organizations across the world through the ‘privatization, civilianization, and responsibilization of policing (Marks Fleming, 2006: 193). International Labour Organization recognizes all the employment rights of the police officers except few restrictions for the emergency services (ILO 2004). But in a recent move, the ILO develops codes of practice to promote social dialogue within the public service including emergency service too. In a joint meeting on public emergency service (such as police) in 2003, The ILO adopted a document Guidelines on Social Dialogue for Public Emergency Services in a Changing Environment to promote fundamental labor rights such as the right to form and join trade union,   and collective bargaining. Thus these guidelines of ILO give an indication to its member states to allow the police to unionize and to bargain (ILO 2003a). The international network of police unions has also been attempted to pers uade the ILO to review its conventions (Mark Fleming, 2006).   They quoted Shizue Tomoda, an ILO technical specialist, as saying, â€Å"As long as a large number of member states feel that it is proper for police labor rights to be regulated by national laws, the ILO Secretariat can do little to change the status quo.†(p.189). In parallel with ILO prescription, many nations have promulgated special legislations that enable police officers to be entitled to all the citizenship rights including police union for instance, Police Officers Bill of Rights of USA; the European Social Charter and European Code of Police Ethics in Europe. The modern policing are now centered on the principle of more democracy, more accountability, more equitability, and more professionalism. Police organization within public sector is now defined as growing labor-intensive industry that enables police to be qualified as ‘worker having all the labour rights (Mark Fleming, 2006). Hence, being a member of a labor-intensive industry, they are also equally concerned about the working conditionss and wages (Wellington Winter, 1969; Reiner, 1978).The current global socio-economic climate leads police unions and public sector unions to work more closely with the labour movement in terms of their rights to collective bargaining (Reiner, 1978). EUROCOP, an association of twenty-seven member police organizations across Europe, is also promoting fairness and equal opportunities in the police service of its member organizations (Marks Fleming 2006).   Berkley (1969:46-51) also mentioned about the highly developed police unions across th e Europe such as in Germany, France, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Griffin (2001), Chief executive officer of the Canadian Professional Police Association noted that the police representatives in Canada are now a part of broad labor union body (Fleming Lewis, 2002). In the United States, Police unions go beyond the narrow interest of the police members promoting the public interests agenda consistent with community preferences in partnership with other police union partner (Magenau Hunt, 1996).   The police federation of Australia is also affiliated and aligned with the national trade union federation (Marks Fleming, 2006). Some unions of Australia (for example, the Northern Territory Police Association NTPA) are now playing a very significant and central role to solve the resource problem of the aboriginal territory. In South Africa, the Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union (POPCRU) established in 1989 is also affiliated to the progressive trade union federation committed t o democratic governance. They defend the socio-economic interests of the communities which is now well-recognized by the international human rights organizations (Marks Fleming, 2004). Police in Lesotho, Zambia, and Botswana who were denied the police rights, called upon the South African police union, POPCRU, to assist them in convincing police authorities and managers about the benefits of police unionization (Hopkins, 2004). 3.3 Theoretical framework: 3.3.1 Occupational police stress: A number of books, reviews of literature and public seminars on the study of the stressful nature of work indicate the growing interest in the field over the past 45 years across the world including America, Britain, Australia and New Zealand (Hurrell, Nelson, Simmons , Buunk de Wolff, 1992; Fried, 1993; Huddleston, 2002). One of the main reasons behind the interest is work-related stress causes huge human and monetary cost (Schuler Van Sell, 1981; Cooper Marshall, 1976; Levi, 1981; Moss, 1981 cited in Parker DeCotiis, 1983). The recent years have also witnessed ‘a sizeable body of literature that examines police stress from a variety of perspective (Webb Smith, 1980:251). This study will look into the police stress from human rights approach taking its physiological, psychological and organizational consequences into account. Even though a certain levels of stress are found in almost all occupations, police work has long been termed as a high stress, high strain and â₠¬Ëœcritical profession (Anshel, 2000, Brown Campbell, 1994; Horn, 1991; Kroes, 1976; Kroes Hurrell, 1975; Raiser, 1974; Reilly DiAngelo, 1990; Violanti Marshall, 1983, Paton 1996a). They are usually the first to reach and the last to leave the scenes of murder, suicides or accidents. One police psychologist stated: â€Å"It is an accepted fact that a police officer is under stress and pressure unequaled by any other profession† (cited in Webb Smith 1980:255). They are frequently confronted with very sad and violent categories of incidents (Carlier, 1999, Carlier Gersons, 1992) and ‘hidden victims of work-related psychological trauma (Paton, 1989, 1994b). Apart from the aforementioned intrinsic job stress, the police stressors may range from critical staff shortage to interaction in and outside the organization. Police stressors within the organization may be characterized as excessive workload, staff shortage, work interfering with family, poor or inadequate equipment or resources, seeing criminals go free and inadequate pay, uncivil interaction with co-workers and administrative hassles (Collins Gibbs, 2003; Davey, Obst, Sheehan, 2001; Morash, Haarr, Kwak, 2006; Pasillas, Follette, Perumean-Chaney, 2006, Huddleston 2002). Rigid organizational structure, shift work, excessive overtime, lack of opportunities for the advancement, workplace discrimination or harassment, administrative pressure to solve the problem, and conflicts over role and responsibility, job transfer, daily hassles, work-related disasters   can also cause serious police stress (Collins Gibbs, 2003; Brown Campbell 1994; Sewell 1993; Pratt Barling, 1988). A p olice officer without the support of his or her family or friend and personal skills is more vulnerable to police stressors (Dewe Guest, 1990; Latach Havlovic, 1992; Tho